Exploring Gokwe (GK) and its history

At some stage, the area now known as Gokwe was called Sebungu and was established in 15 March 1898. Sebungu and Mapfungautsi were later combined into Sebungwu-Mapfungautsi on the 2nd of August 1901. Sebungu was then condensed to Sebungwe on 21 February 1907, and then Sebungwe was renamed to Gokwe on the 18th January 1957.

This article touches on the traditional leaders who make up the Gokwe district, and it also discusses the physical boundaries of the district. The Gokwe district comprised of the following chiefs: Chireya, Nemangwe, Nenyunga, Njelele, Mukoka, Sayi, Simuchembu and Jahana. This article relied on the delineation report that was compiled by Latham around the year 1965. However, a number of changes have ensued since then with some headmen being elevated to chiefs or the other way.

This area was mainly populated by the Tonga, Shona and Ndebele tribes of Mkoka who believed in the most high God (Mwari) through the veneration of their ancestors and they built their houses along Kana River.  The present day Gokwe-Kana is still under chief Mkoka. Despite the hot weather, tsetse flies, and wild animals, the area was densely populated. People are believed to have been depending much on hunting and farming like most African societies for their basic needs. Prior to the 1940s, these 3 great tribes had their own beliefs- they subscribed to traditional religion. In fact religion played an important part in their daily lives, including socio- political and economic life.

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Traditional ceremonies were performed before commencement of the farming seasons and even in hunting there were some norms and taboos which sought to preserve and conserve the resources for future generations.  Cattle were also “treated”, through a tradition known as Iziko– Ndebele name which simply means “the ensuring of increased fertility and production of cattle through the veneration of ancestors for taking care in their cattle”. It is interesting to learn that in pre-colonial Gokwe- people, like many other tribes, measured their wealth through the number of cattle which one possessed and it was a privilege to have many cattle as they enabled one to marry many wives which led to a large number of children and these children were a force of labor to reckon with especially during the farming seasons. It was a taboo for a woman to enter the kraal as it was believed that women would lead even to mysterious dying of cattle. On the other hand, men were not allowed to partake in cooking but a preserve for women. Whilst one may not see the value behind these restrictions, the research from which this article was extracted took interest from such operations and further goes on to support that such practices worked as they were an appeasement to the dead who in return would reward them with prosperity in their production and good health.

CHIEF JAHANA

The name Jahana is their traditional name. This group belongs to the Ndebele tribe and their totem or isibongo is Khumalo. Additionally, their praise names are Emtamba and Endlangamandhla. Solomon Jahana was appointed chief on 29th October 1964. The basis for his appointment was primogeniture.

History of succession of this clan starts with Makasani, the first chief and he was a brother to Lobengula and the Nduna of the Insindeni regiment that was under Mzilikazi. The second chief was Mbulu who belonged to Lobengula’s regiment, and he was succeeded by Jahana. The fourth chief was Mezwana and he was succeeded by Solomon. It is alleged that Jahana was the first chief to be recognised by the Rhodesian administration.

History

It is mentioned that Jahana was recognised by the government while living in Nsinda which lies to the south of Insiza and Shangani station. They left De Beers’ ranch to settle in Gokwe because of clash of opinions with the De Beers’ manager and the new chief. The late chief and the manager were on their friendly terms but not with Solomon. As a result, they decided to move. Mtami and Zamani were abalisa/ headmen of chief Jahana. Mtami moved to fort Rixon where he settled on some farm and Zamani refused to accompany the tribe to Gokwe and remained on the farm.

Chief Jahana was given his present area by chiefs Nemangwe and Njelele. The area lied between Gokwe station and the edge of the escarpment towards Chinyenyetu. Many of Jahana’s followers did not share his optimism regarding the productivity of this area, and as a result many of them have hived off to join neighbouring chiefs and headmen. Villages in the area included Gundwane, Kani, Kutshwa, Mavela, Hoko, Naisoni, Matshoga, Sesule, Madala, Jahana, Ndutshwa, Enock, Mketiwa, David and Mbeka.

Boundary

Their boundary on the north and east is the edge of the escarpment. To the south they bound with Mabiriviri, Nyadumba and Sesami river and to the west they bound with Sesami river.

Functions of the chief

The chief received cases from the all the villages under him and cases on appeal were sent to the district commissioner in Gokwe. The chief is the land authority and each kraalhead is given authority over a particular portion of land, but a stranger will first seek the approval of the chief.

CHIEF NJELELE

The name Njelele is their traditional name, and it doubles as the name of their area. This group belongs to the Rozvi tribe. Mpofu is their totem and their praise name is Gotami. Their language is Karanga. One, Nduli Njelele was appointed chief in 1953. He was selected by the tribal elders and appointed by the dunzvi.

History

The Njelele family claim to have come to this district simultaneously with chiefs Chireya and Nemangwe and they say they came from Guruuswa. However, they first settled on the Madzongwe river. The graves of Gangawa and his sons are claimed to be at Kadzongwana, where the remains of their grain bins can be found. The Tongwe people hold their rain and spiritual ceremonies at this traditional burial ground. Njelele and his people found Gumbero and his people living in this district and the latter was settled around the little Chidoma and claimed the territory northwards as far as Nyarupakwe.

Mutowerwai had an elder brother who was lame but was a powerful medicine man and was well known for his concoctions in time of war. This man who is believed to have been called Njelele, matched his skill against his rival from the Gumbero tribe. The contest took place not far from Njelele business centre, in a vlei Hovanhu. Njelele was successful in proving his superiority and the area was divided between the two factions. The boundary was placed at Hovanhu, which incidentally means “dividing”. What Njelele did after this incident was that his name was given to his nephew Gangawa.

Their succession tree starts with Mutowerwizi the father of Gangawa the first chief. Gangawa was succeeded by his son Marayiromba who was the second chief. Marayiromba was succeeded by his brother Chingwere. Guwa was also Gangawa’s child but was not a chief. After Chingwere came Nyambiya who was Marayiromba’s son. Nyambiya was succeeded by Zimbaka, Guwa’s son. The sixth chief was Nduli who was Mutanhaurwa’s son and Mutanhaurwa was Nyampiya’s brother.

In terms of movements, many villages were moved from Ngondoma crown land and resettled in Njelele’s area in 1956. Among these people were Hliziyana and Mvurumo. The Chigiji group moved from the Mbumbuzi forest area into chief Nemangwe’s area. Chigiji was an unofficial headman of Njelele. Magaya Chigiji was an unofficial headman under chief Njelele. The Chigiji people belong to the Dube totem and they are Zezuru tribe. Mazvimbakupa is their praise name.

History of the Chigiji people

After leaving Shangani, they settled at Madzongwe headwaters under chief Njelele. Later they moved to Sikombela and then moved to Ngondoma headwaters. However, they left the area because it was required for European farms and they then settled on the Mbumbuzi, which later became a forest reserve and they were moved off the forest reserve in 1962.

Villages under the Chigiji community included Dhladhlana, Bandawa, Chigiji, Dovi, Mabiwa, Ben Ndiro and Gambiza.

Villages in chief Njelele’s community included Chalisegela, Tawonesa, Mbangiwa, Marumisa, Mafurirangwa, Chitungwa, Juju, Nyamasana, Bova, Razaro, Vumbi, Dzawanda, Mutanhaugwa, Marumirofa, Charuma, Nhliziwana, Mbengwa, Ngundo, Matenganyika, Manjonjo, Mazi Tulela, Matashu, Jichi, Mayebe, Masiyiwa, Maketo, Mapfumo, Mqanjelwa, Tasiga, Mapfumo, Mapopota, Amosi, Nyamazana, Muchengi, John, Fanegudo, Majuta, Magege, Maza, Mashowe, Mawira, Madzivanzira, Mdutswa, Ngowayo, Ravi, Silindeni, Mlingo, Sidojiwe and Nyambe.

Boundary

The boundary starts at the confluence of Muzongwe and Munyati rivers, up the latter to its confluence with Maviriviri to its confluence with Nyadumba, up the Nyadumba until it meets the Gokwe-Chinyenyetu road; follow the road until it crosses the Sesami/Zezani river, down the river to its confluence with the Chemumvuri, up to its source, then on the main Gokwe- Kana road; follow this road until it crosses the Rutope river, then follow a straight line to the Mateme river and the Nkai boundary.

Functions of the chief

The chief received cases from the all the villages under him and cases on appeal are referred to the district commissioner in Gokwe. The chief was the land authority, and he delegates his kraal heads to allocate land for their people, but they consult with the chief first. The chief led the mutoro/ rain making ceremony done annually at Hovanhu.

Headman Mande

Mande is their traditional name, and their area is called Gobabe. This group belongs to the Vashangwe tribe and they speak Ndebele. Chuma is their totem and their praise names are Makunda, Gazule, Ntungwa, and Mabena. Philip Mande was appointed headman in 1962. He was selected by chief Njelele and the basis for selection was collateral.

The history of succession starts with Sibikwa (the first headman) and he was Wadigwa’s brother. The second and third headmen were Juma and Mande who were Wadigwa’s sons. The fourth headman was Philip and Philip was Mande’s son. Gobabe area was formerly under Gwelo district and Wadigwa was a headman of chief Malisa.

History

The group formerly lived under chief Malisa and resided at Sempeni near Nyakwati in Silobela. Hliziyana, now living near chief Njelele was their neighbour. Both Hliziyana and Wadigwa were headmen of chief Malisa. They moved from Sempeni in search of better lands. Wadigwa settled at Gobabe, while Hliziyana settled on the Ngondoma. When the district boundary was adjusted and Gobabe fell under Gokwe district, Sibikwa was recognised by chief Njelele as a headman.

Villages in the Mande community included Mapupo, Sibika, Siboko, Tswere Njenjenje, Siyaturunga, Ndawana, Fusi, Situta and Mande.

Boundary

The boundary on the north of the community bounds with chief Njelele on the forest between Gobabe and Rutope rivers and to the east the boundary is with Kwekwe and Nkai districts on the road which runs on this boundary. To the south the community bounds with Nkai district on the same road, to the west with Gono, a muchinda of headman Salima. Gono and his people were moved from Rhodesdale by the government and settled in Njelele’s area and there is no clearcut boundary between them.

Functions of the headman

The headman receives cases from the kraalheads and heard small matters and cases on appeal were referred to chief Njelele. Land applications are passed from the kraalheads to the headman and then to the chief. The headman participated during mitoro function or rainmaking ceremonies held annually.

Headman Chisina

Chisina is their traditional name and it was formerly Gumbero. Their area is called Gumbero or Munyati. The sub-names are the names of dip tanks in the area. This group belongs to the Vahera tribe, and their totem is Shava or Mhofu and their praise name is Museyamwa. Mangaba Chisina was appointed headman in 1957 as the first officially recognised headman. He was selected by the clan elders and people of the area, and he was recommended for appointment by chief Njelele.

Their succession tree starts with Ndwengu the father of Chingwere, the first headman. The second headman was Chawawona who was Chingwere’s son and the third headman was Tandawapenyu who was a son to Chawawona’s brother, but the name was not provided. Tandawapenyu (Chisina) had two children: Nyamadzawo and Mangava (the fourth headman).

History

The Gumbero group is an offshoot of Vahera under Nyashanu in Buhera. They migrated to this district several years ago and first settled near Chidoma on the Mbembezi river. Their first ancestors were buried near Chidoma and they had a spiritual pool on a small stream west of Chidoma hill.

The Mvurumo people have always been closely associated with Gumbero, and in fact it is thought that they arrived in the district simultaneously. Dematsika, one of Mvurumo’s ancestors, was a son of Gumbero’s sister. The Mvurumos are also matunzvi (nominators of chiefs) of the Gumbero family. These two families are believed to have settled in the district long before Njelele and his group.

Njelele first settled at Madzongwe river, at an area known as Tongwe. Gumbero earned disfavour with the early administrators over the chibaro system and because of this it is claimed that Njelele was recognised as a chief and Gumbero was not. In fact, Chisina ruled his people under Njelele without official recognition until 1957, when he was given a headman status.

Villages in the community included Chigwedza, Ngubozabo, Nhuta, Manjonjo, Matetakufa, Mhaka, Mahiya, Zababona, Sigodo, Mlingo, Matewu, Kutshulwa, Robert, Sikova, Muza, Shabani, Mangilazi, Sigelegelani, Moses, Mabutshu, Mawila, Chodakufa, Chingoma, Tirivanhu, Kwili, Mabachi, Chavunduka, Maunga, Magora, Kanata, Tukwayo, Jubeki, Chisina, Zongoza, Marumbi, Muhacha, Mhungu, Kamele, Tokowaro, Manxuweni, Mhlolo, Msindo, Mlefu, Gunda, Mlandu, Mdabambi, Nyambira, Mtagwi, Mahala, Bafana, Machina, Munakira, Wili Choga, Kamhiripiri, Mabuku, Makaseni, Hondo, Muteresi, Mutero, Nhaudzawanda, Hlamba, Madzvamu, Mutimutema, Ndambi, Mapalala, Magonya, Musila, Fakazi, Chapenduka, Mararanda, Nyowa, Njini, Makani, Choga, Mavondo, Muzondiwa, Nyamadzawo, Tembedzi, Mushongandi, Mapalala and Singadzani.

Boundary

To the north Chisina boundary lies on the Madzongwe river, to the east it bounds on the Munyati river, to the west it bounds with chief Njelele on the escarpment and to the south it bonds with Mvurumo on the Chebechebe river. The functions of the headman follow the usual pattern.

Headman Mvurumo

The name Mvurumo is their traditional name for their headmanship. Their area is called Mvurumo or Chidoma. The group belongs to the Zezuru tribe and their totem is Dube. Their praise names are Mazvimbakupa and Madzimbahwe. Ariki Mvurumo was appointed headman in 1933. He was selected by his father, senior members of their clan and appointed by Chisina.

Their history of succession is as follows: Dungwa was the first headman, and he was succeeded by his son Machingauta who was followed by his son Dematsika. Dematsika was succeeded by his son Mvurumo and Mvurumo was succeeded by his son Ariki. Mvurumo had a brother, Mashami but was not a headman.

History

The groups claim to have migrated from Mutare, with a brief visit at Chihota before arriving in this district. When Chisina (Gumbero) was living at Chidoma, they were living south of the Mbembezi which is now crown land. They have always been closely associated with Gumbero and were until recently subservient to him. The reason for them coming directly under Njelele is because Chisina himself had no official status- that is both Chisina and Mvurumo were functioning unofficially.

Villages in this community included Takavadini, Chigutsa, Mashami, Pensela, Mabalani, Kampoundi, Gahwulele, Wunga, Jojo, Jarichari, Chiyangwa, Nyahuni, Sifonono, Chamanhanzva, Mavulele, Sotile, Kaitane, Kufazvinei, Mvurumo, Mudenda, Cheza, Taruzeza, Jakobe, Masungu, Mawila, Mwanayuma, Masaka, Pita, Mawana, Hlekise and Mazalengwana.

Boundary

The boundary starts at the confluence of Chingorowe and Mbembezi rivers, up the former to the escarpment, then across to the source of Mvuramachena and Gwenya rivers, then to the source of the little Chebechebe and down to the Ngondoma river. Functions of the headman follow the usual pattern.

CHIEF SIMUCHEMBU

The name Simuchembu is their traditional name, and their area is called Simuchembu as well. This group belongs to the Batonga tribe. Their totem is Mukowa or Sibanda and their praise name is Sinemabala which means “which has some sports” and Nsaka. It is alleged that the later seems to be the more accurate version of their praise name. Siyanjere Simuchembu was appointed chief on the 15th of April 1965. He was chosen by the elders and when a new chief is chosen, he is presented to the tribal spirits. The spirit mediums do not assist in the selection process. The basis for selection was matrilineal.

Their history of succession starts with Simuchembu who had a sister called Matende. Matende had children called Chabvisamabwe who was the second chief and had siblings called Churu and Tindi and these were females. Churu had a son called Siyakarungu who was the third chief. Tindi had two sons Mwere (fourth chief) and Siyamalola (fifth chief) and their sister was called Siyante. Siyante had two children: Siyakalenge (sixth chief) and his sister Changwenda. Changwenda had children called Siyamitumba (7th chief) and Chikoko. Chikoko had a son called Sianjere who was the eighth chief.

History

The Simuchembu people once lived on the Mapfungautsi plateau and owned livestock. However, due to repeated raids by Amandebele they fled to the Zambezi valley. The people claim no relationship with Gwembe Tonga, who they refer to as Majokojoko. The Tonga who lived on the opposite bank were related to them, and they have been moved to areas adjacent to the Gwembe Tonga. Simuchembu people were moved from the Zambezi valley in 1956, and they were Siyabuwa’s eastern neighbours. When Simuchembu and his people arrived, they were told to settle themselves on the Sabara and Sengwa rivers. Several villages favoured the area on the western bank of the Sengwa river around the Busi river. These people found themselves in the Binga district when the boundary was fixed in 1957.

In terms of the movements kraalhead Kambajo lives in Binga, but a few of his followers have moved across the Sengwa river into Simuchembu’s area. Kraalhead Siyambila and a few followers moved to Binga. Kraalhead Machijana and three of his followers live in the Binga district and some seven taxpayers live in Gokwe district. Kraalhead Siyachalema and most of his people moved to Binga district and three of his followers remained behind.

Villages in this community included Simuchembu Chapingisa, Mangwaila Siandezu, Siyatepulukuni Pekema, Titi Siyamarira, Mundiya Zareta Manzela, Machijana and Siyambila.

Boundary

Simuchembu claims the Kamakuyu river to be the boundary between his people and Siyamabechu but it seems he was trying to extend his territory. There was no known boundary between Simuchembu and chief Sayi in the south. They speak of a river called Kamota as their promised boundary, but they are not sure where this river is situated. The Siyamuchembu settlement ends approximately opposite the Busi river. An equitable boundary of this area would be from a point eight miles south of the Busi/Sengwa confluence, cutting eastwards to the escarpment and following this to the main Chirisa road. Chief Sayi’s furthest settlers are about eight miles from the Busi river junction. There is a relatively large stream entering the Sengwa river from the Binga district at this point.

Functions of the chief

The cases were received from all the villages under the chief and cases on appeal go to the district commissioner in Gokwe. The chief is the land authority. The people hold rainmaking ceremonies known as Masango and kraalhead Siyatepulukuni is the custodian of their spirits. This man takes gifts of grain, money and tobacco to Nevana in chief Nemangwe’s area. These spiritual functions are held on the instructions of the chief.

SAYI CHIEFTAINSHIP

The name Sayi is their traditional name for the chieftainship and their area is also called Sayi but there are numerous sub-names within the area and these are the names of localities and are known by their natural features such as- Sengwa; Manyoni, Lutope; Mwara (where the chief lives), Dewura, Guyu. This group belong to the Varozvi tribe and Ncube is their totem. Their praise names are Sawunyunyu or Gwaruman’ombe. They speak Karanga language. Makoshori Sayi was appointed chief in 1950. Successors to the chieftainship were selected by the two abalisa, Ngomeni and Simutenga. These two are vazukuru to the reigning family and they are known as matunzvi. Appointments were made by the administration on the advice of the clan elders. The clan spirits do not play a part in the selection and installation of chiefs.

History

Mufungo, Sayi and Nyamusasa were relatives who were the first to occupy the territory. Mufungo and Nyamusasa were later conquered by Chireya’s people. It is alleged that the Sayi clan is not certain where they originated from. Sawunyunyu and Simutenga arrived in the district together; the latter was a muzukuru of the leader. Later Ngomeni from Plumtree joined them, and he also became a muzukuru. Sayi was a name given to Sawunyunyu, but they know of no special meaning for this name. It has now become a mudzimu name.

The history of succession starts with Sawunyunyu or Gwaruman’ombe (the first chief) and his unnamed sister had children: Chisaka and Chikwamba who were the second and third chiefs respectively. After Chikwamba, Sambewu, a child of Sawunyunyu became the fourth chief. Sambewu was succeeded by his children: Chizangande and Sikaliyawu who were the fifth and sixth chiefs. Sikaliyawu was succeeded by his son Jonera and Jonera’s siblings were Siyantuba and Gonekano. Jonera was succeeded by his child Tendevende. After Tendevende came Maneneka who was Siyantuba’s child. Then Maneneka was succeeded by his child Makoshore as the 10th chief.

Villages in this area included Sayi Makoshori, Matewo Dosa, Kanyemba Ndondo, Karengwa Chakamanga, Nzungu Madzokwe, Tamwaika Chaveta, Dangaremberi Makayi, Bewula Bewula, Siyachingoma Zvakavora, Nhidza Mucheni, Makainganwa Koromu, Siyanzambu Maneneka, Matashu Matashu, Dungwa Ndoro, Gadimaunga Nyangaiwa, Karikoga Funduma, Chinegota Madiyabi, Manyepa Ndume, Siyafagwenda Paneshamba, Chiledebe Tobera, Siyamawanja Nyanduri, Magazo Mavanga, Zvidzo Zvidzo, Mvuraipenyu Mvuraipenyu, Muzanenhamo Muzanenhamo, Komboni Komboni, Zimwara Masikati, Matibini Matibini and Mangidi Mangidi.

History

Chief Sayi alleges that his area was much larger in the past but the two chiefs Mukoka and Simuchembu moved into his area with their people. He further claimed that he lost a portion of land west of Sengwa to Binga district and he states that he was supposed to be the paramount chief over Mukoka and Simuchembu. The boundary between Sayi and Mukoka is the Lutope river and there was no recognised boundary between Sayi and Simuchembu.

Boundary

According to chief Sayi their area boundary starts at the Lutope/Sengwa junction up the Lutope river to Siyamanyanga gate, from there to a place called Matombo, then to Gawa, then up the Dzororo perhaps Zororo stream to Gwarusonde, which flows into Dzuru which in turn flows to Svisvi then to Mupatausingabikwe, a gully which flows into Tari, then to Mutagwa sponge, then to the headwaters of Gwave river, then to Matshinda hill, then to Musita, a stream which flows not Sesami river; then to Chehamba, which flows into the Pogwe river, then to Nyanzati ridge, then to Ngoromera hill, then down the Kewusiga river which flows into the Sengwa river. However, the above boundary would include a large portion of land considered to be chief Nemangwe’s area and encroaches on Simuchemba. Functions of the chief follow the usual channel.

Headman Ngomeni

Ngomeni is their traditional name, and their area is called Sayi-Ngomeni. The group belongs to Kalanga tribe from Plumtree. Sibanda is their totem and their praise name is Shumba. Mabotshwa Ngomeni was appointed headman in 1946. He was selected and appointed by chief Sayi. Basis for selection was from father to son succession.

History

Ngomeni came into the area as a traveller and married the sister of chief Sayi. He settled and as a brother-in-law was granted an important position in the tribal organisation. The muzukuru usually enjoys a high status in African family organisations. Ngomeni shares the responsibility of selecting the successors of chief Sayi with the other mulisa/ headman Mutenga. Many people moved into this area.

Villages in this area included Makayi Bamba, Chovombo Mbotsha, Zvakanaka Mhlaso, Gumiremhete Gomba, Chiyeka Kura, Mateta Mateta, Dzenga Dzenga, Paradzayi Mafefe, Ramini Ramini, Marwizi Marwizi, Muzanenhamo Muzanenhamo, Mazhara Mazhara, Ruza Ruza, Tachiona Mack Mukwaza and Makaki Makaki.

Boundary

Ngomeni alleged that there is no boundary between his people and the chief’s people. The whole area belongs to chief Sayi. However, Ngomeni’s kraals live around him and are not mixed with the chief’s kraals. Ngomeni did mention that there are some hills which separate the two groups.

Functions of headman

The cases are received from the villages, and the headman deals with small cases and cases on appeal are referred to chief Sayi. Chief Sayi is the land authority, and the headman consult with the chief on land matters.

CHIEF CHIREYA

Chireya is their traditional name for their chieftainship and doubles as the name of their area. Their totem is Shava, Mpofu and they belong to the Shangwe tribe. Mabani Chireya was appointed chief in 1945. He was appointed by the clan elders and the native commissioner, Mr Tapson. The basis for selection was collateral. Mapani was the classificatory son of the previous chief.

The history of succession is as follows- Chirongamabwe, Ndombondombo, Negupo, Mukotosi, Chidzedze, Gwakwatu, Muposi and Mabani. It is alleged that the person who was selected by the clan to succeed Muposi on his death was Goremasandu but this choice was opposed by the native commissioner and then Mabani was selected.

History

The Chireya group came from Guruuswa. This is said to be somewhere near Ngezi river. It seems Chireya and his people were reluctant to talk about the past. The group were Varozvi and Chireya’s mutupo was Moyo and they now call themselves Vashangwe and Chireya is a Mpofu, Shava. It is alleged because of this change they are reluctant to talk about their past. Chireya originally settled in the area conquering the local people who were controlled by Vumba, Nyamusasa and Mufungu. Evidence shows that these leaders were comparatively new in the area, stemming from either Botswana or Lesotho.

In terms of movements, the Chidoma people moved into the area. Villages in the Chireya area included Chireya, Matemazondo, Kaita, Chidinga, Vugwagwengavi, Chitsunge, Moramasaga, Mateta, Mukwenya, Makumbi, Bangira, Karindakutowa, Sambatari, Mabudungu, Dzomba, Mupariwa, Karombo, Madaupandu, Neruhambe, Katandika, Chiveve, Maikanganwa, Mateyesangwa, Kufakwepasi, Gasura, Samupakaruma, Ndhlukulana, Chizeze, Gabarapata, Gumiremhete, Musogere, Chineviringa, Kamiripiri, Manyangana, Zaranyika, Dzidzawume, Tsangadzaume, Taka, Mandaza, Gonga, Marunya, Dzikamunhenga, Chakabvapasi, Lutope, Nyamayaro, Makumbi, Matesangwa, Murenga, Murunga, Mariromba, Mangisi, Chitovoro, Makainganwa, Kadanira, Tafireyi and Masikamba.

Boundary

The community lives along Wume river and except for the area known as Zanda it is separated by the empty bush from its neighbouring communities. The boundary starts at the northwest corner of the area at a point about four miles downstream from the confluence of Wume and Nyemba rivers, the boundary runs east and slightly north through the bush to the headwaters of the Manuwu river which is followed to its confluence with the Gungukwe. Crossing the Gungukwe the boundary runs southeast through the bush crossing the Chota river and reaching the Sumbe pan. Then runs due south crossing the headwaters of the Vimbe river and then along the watershed between the Wume and the Bvumbudze systems to the headwaters of the Nyaruwe river and to Nyamushuma stream and the Bungwa, tributary of Wume, to the Guyu hill. It stretches to the summit of Mumwa hill and down the Dende River to the Wume which is followed upstream to near the cattle dip (Goredema), about a mile to the east of the river, near Gwevu stream. The Wume is then followed downstream to a point south of Chiromo hill where the boundary leaves the river and runs westwards along the Nyanende hills to the headwaters of Katsanza stream, downstream to the Wume and to the starting point.

Functions of the chief follow the usual pattern.

Headman Madziwazvido

Madziwazvido is their traditional name, and their area is called Madziwazvido. This group belongs to the Moyo totem, and they belong to the Rozvi tribe. Mabhonzo Madziwazvido was appointed headman in 1940. He was appointed by the native commissioner, chief Chireya and the people. Mabhonzo was eligible for selection because he was the son of the previous Madziwadondo.

Their history of succession starts with Siyalubono who was never a headman. Siyalubono’s son, Madziwazvido was the first headman. His children were Siyakaruma, Mabonzo (second headman), Matemangwe, Majiko, Mangama. According to Mabonzo, Madziwazvido I was removed from office by chief Chireya for allowing people to settle in his area without informing the chief. In his place was appointed Kamufumo, not a relative, who ruled until his death when he was replaced by his son Zvikonyo. The latter on his death was replaced by his younger brother Kandama. On his death the title returned to the house of Madziwazvido.

There are no early history records from the Madziwazvido group. In terms of movements, a group of people from Chidoma settled on the north bank of Sasame river, about six miles downstream Madziwazvido camp. They are part of the same people who settled in the Nembudziya area of the Sebungwe tribal trust land. These people were living on unreserved land and were required to move.

Villages in this community included Madziwazvido, Siyanisamunhu, Shiridzinonetsa, Makayi, Mavurere, Nyamupanda, Zvikonyo, Mufunguri, Gufa, Katemangwe, Chinyandura, Machivazungu, Gavinga, Mudimu, Nemajuba, Nziradzapatswa, Aranga, Manyunga, Siyafamba, Koriwe, Chamanhanzva, Masiyandumbe, Mbaiwa, Chakwana, Kadziya, Kana, Siyachega, Mazenera, Mawuyu, Nenere, Mafurirangwa, Magidi, Pavanosvisva, Nyerenyere and Mapekerera.

Boundary

The boundary starts at the source of the Katsvanzva stream in the Nyanende hills, down to Wume which is then followed to its confluence with Kwakwavi river. Then the boundary goes westwards to the escarpment known as Mukovamwe hills. This is then followed south westwards to the main road to Nenyunga. A straight line from this point to a beacon on Chirisa hill divides this area from Nenyunga. From Chirisa the line is extended to the headwaters of Mugurazino stream in the Masikiri hills, down to its confluence with Gadze river and to Gadze and Sasame confluence. Functions of headman follow the usual pattern.

Headman Mashami

Mashami is their traditional name and their area is called Gunguwe. The group belongs to the Tembo totem and their tribe is Mugova. One, Mugova Mashami was appointed headman on 9 December 1946 by the Native commissioner after the resignation of the incumbent, Josefa/Joseph. It is alleged that Chigora a brother to Josefa requested for Mugova to be appointed and was supported by people. The basis for the appointment was that Mugova was a younger brother of the previous Mashami.

Their succession tree starts with Nekasanza who was succeeded by his sons Mazhomba and Muningwi who succeeded each other respectively. Siyamatu was the third child of Nekasanza but was never headman but his son Mashami was the fourth headman. Mashami was succeeded by Josefa and Chigora respectively. The succession that was followed was collateral succession with the houses of Mazhomba and Muningwi passing the title in turn to Siyamatu’s son Mashami. Josefa inherited the headmanship from his father, but he resigned to go and do business with Manoti. Mazhomba lived in Karongwe. According to chief Chireya, Mashami and his followers moved from Karongwe to the present area because of the Kariba resettlement. Chief Sampakaruma was moved into Mashami old area from the Zambezi valley and Mashami then moved closer to chief Chireya. It is possible that this movement might have happened prior to 1946 when Josefa resigned. It is mentioned that the people were tired of their area, but chief Chireya’s permission was required before they settled in the area.

Villages in the community included Mazhomba, Chapatama, Makwara, Mudimu, Chigora, Murima, Mapulanga, Gungu, Mapeta, Gasura, Goremusandu, Zimonga, Maradze, Mururrami, Matsaukira, Nyanga, Mukotosi, Mutambuwa, Madzura and Mutsimbira.

Boundary

The eastern boundary which divides Mashami and Nembudziya is Bvumbudzi river. A point near Sumbe pan indicates the southern tip of Mashami. At this point Nembudziya, Mashambi and Chireya seem to have a common boundary. But the westward boundary is not well defined. It is alleged that the boundary follows the Mututa river. The boundary westwards crossing the Chota and then the Gunguwo river at its confluence with Manuwu river. Then it continues west up the Gunguwo river to its source. In the north the boundary is Hwadzi river which flows into Sanyati flowing upstream to its confluence with Bvumbudzi. Which is the starting point.

Functions of headman

Cases are received from the kraalheads, and the headman only hears small matters, and all other cases are referred to chief Chireya. The chief is the land authority, and the headman only works on instructions from the chief or he consults the chief on land matters.

CHIEF NEMBUDZIYA

The group’s traditional name is Nembudziya and their totem is Gonde from isiNdebele Gonde tree from the Brachystegia family. Their area is also called Nembudziya. This tree is known as Mukonde in Karanga. The group is an offshoot of the Shangwe tribe. Chirasha Masocha Nembudziya was appointed headman by the Native Commissioner Mr Cockroft, the people and chief Chireya. The basis for the appointment was that he was a nephew of the previous Nembudziya.

Their succession tree starts with Nembudziya as the first headman and had two sons namely Nyahokorefu who was the second headman and Jonera, who was not a headman. Nyahokorefu had two children: Kagwesi and Chisekasela who was the third headman. Chisekasela had two children namely: Makwazvo who was the fourth headman and Mutonhodzi who was not a headman. The fifth headman was Kambonga who was Jonera’s grandchild, his father was Garu. The sixth headman was Shangwe, who was Kambonga’s child. The seventh headman was Chirasha who was Mutonhodzi’s grandchild and his father was Chabikwa.

History

This area was settled during the time of Kagwesi and Chisekasela and it was accomplished at the same time with the general Chireya migration. The people moved from Chidoma area. Nembudziya got settlement approval from chief Chireya and thereafter land applications were directed through Nembudziya. Nembudziya admitted the following kraalheads from Chidoma: Zvidzayi, Balu, Kisimisi, Sando, Svosve, Dongo, Taruvinga, Chirumanzu, Chiweshe, Bara, Chidzinde, Mahembe, Elijah, Rusere, Mudzore, Heberu, Bhasikoro, Paradza and Garikayi. This group that settled in Nembudziya had no leader and they now recognise Nembudziya as their headman. Elijah, Svosve and Dongo were regarded as senior kraalheads.

Villages in this area included Nembudziya, Vumbanyama, Muronda, Matora, Mabuka, Chodakufa, Tasiyana, Tene, Zvidzayi, Balu, Sando, Taruvinga, Kisimisi, Svosve, Chirumhanzu, Chiweshe, Bara, Chidzinde, Mahembe, Elijah, Heberu, Bhasikoro, Paradza and Garikayi.

Boundary

The boundary starts on the southeast corner of the area at the point where Vungwe river bisects the native purchase area, follow Vungwe upstream to its source along watershed to Nyamuroro hill to Mumwa hill and onto Guyu hill. From Guyu, the boundary crosses Bungwa stream and then to Nyamushuma stream, Masawi stream and onto to the Ngaruwe stream which is crossed near its headwaters to Vimbe river. Then Vimbe river is crossed near its headwaters, and the line runs due north to Sumbe pan which forms approximate northwestern corner of the area. From Sumbe the boundary goes eastwards across the bush passing through Nyagare onto the Bvumbudzi river and at its confluence with Hwadze river, upstream in a south eastly direction along Hwadze river following the approximate line of the Tsetse fly fence to Nguwe hill, back to Bvumbudzi river to its source along the surveyed line of the native purchase area to the starting point. Functions of the headman follow the similar pattern.

Headman Goredema

The name Goredema is their traditional name. The group lived in an area called Kaongo. This group belong to the Moyo totem, and they are an offshoot of the Rozvi tribe. Kadzomba Goredema was appointed headman about 1954 by the Native commissioner and clan elders through chief Chireya. Kadzomba was a young brother of the previous Goredema.

This group’s succession tree starts with Ruchinda who was the first headman. Ruchinda had three sons namely Kadausara, Matemajere and Shiri who were all headmen respectively. Kadausara had two sons: Mushuzha and Ruzara who were fifth and sixth headmen. The next headman was Shopera who was Shiri’s child. After Shopera came Muzira and Watsomba as headmen and the two were brothers while their father was Mushuzha.

History

Goredema group came from Guruuswa to the southeast of their present locality in a country of open plains were there were no trees. They moved from Guruuswa during Kadausaru’s time. They were on a hunting trip, and they found the local Vashangwe girls beautiful and they decided to settle in the area permanently. The local Vashangwe under Vumba, Nyamusasa and Mufungu were conquered and remined living in the area.

Villages in this community were Nzira, Goredema, Denga, Zuva, Chitsunga, Mavurere, Chipangura, Mutawa, Chibayamarange, Kadzviti, Matope, Nyamadzawo, Makoshori, Murota and Takuriwa.

Boundary

The Mumwa hill forms the extreme northern boundary of the community and from Mumwa hill the boundary runs eastwards to Nyamuroro hill and southeast along the watershed to Chinyenyetu hill. The boundary then follows Chinyenyetu escarpment southward to Chinwavaenzi hill and the headwaters of Bume/Wume. The Wume river is then followed downstream to its confluence with Denda stream. Then, Denda stream is followed upstream to the starting point on Mumwa.

Headman Mubikanyama

Mubikanyama is their traditional name, it doubles as the name of their area and the group belongs to Dube totem. This group belongs to the Rozvi tribe. Machaya Mubikanayama was appointed headman in 1948. He was appointed by the tribe and confirmed by chief Nemangwe. The basis for appointment was collateral and he succeeded his father.

The succession tree starts with Karombe who was the first headman. Karombe had three children: Muripori, Nzungu who was the second headman and Marumira. The third headman was Machaya and he was Nzungu’s son. At the time when the delineation report about this area was compiled, Machaya was old and frail and it was alleged that he was an acting headman.

History

The area was given to Karombe by chief Nemangwe and he was to act as headman because Nemangwe’s area was big. It is said that Mubikanyama and his people are descendants of chief Chireya and they claim to have originated from Mbohwe which is over Sanyati river and prior to that they came from Guruuswa.

Villages in this area were Makomo, Mataranganwa, Nzungu (Mubikanayama), Matemaronga, Mvuraipenyu, Makwikwi and Damanekwa.

Boundary

The Gororo river is the boundary between Mubikanayama and Nebumu. Gwigwa range of hills is the boundary between Mubikanyama and chief Chireya. Rugora river is the boundary between Mubikanayama and Wume. Sesami is their boundary on the western side. Functions of the headman follow a similar pattern.

Headman Mufungo

The name Mufungo serves as their traditional name as well as the name of the area. The group belongs to Manungo totem, and they belong to the Rozvi tribe. One, Zumbika Mufungo was appointed headman in 1954. He was selected by the clan elders and was appointed by chief Nemangwe. Basis for selection was that he was a son of the previous headman Mufungo.

History

It is alleged that the Mufungo people came from then Bechuanaland, now Botswana. They fled tribal wars and they settled in this area because then it was unoccupied and it had plenty of game. The group lived peacefully until Chireya and Nemangwe arrived in the area. It is said Mufungo was an expert in handling bees and would use them against his enemies. For instance, it is said he used bees to ward off Nemangwe. In retaliation, Nemangwe sent a beautiful girl to the Mufungo people waterhole. This girl was then presented to Mufungo. Unkown to Mufungo was that the girl had a sharp knife and she beheaded him that night. After the death of Mufungo, his people were now weak and exposed and as a result they were overpowered by Nemangwe and his soldiers.

Both Mufunga and Nyamusasa came from Botswana and they lived on friendly terms. Nyamusasa lived at Bari and was conquered by chief Chireya. Mufungo was senior to Nyamusasa. Mufungo was important on spiritual matters in his area.

Their succession tree starts with Soroguru (Mufungo) who was the first headman and was succeeded by his son Kanodebuka. Kanodebuka was succeeded by his sons Mufichiya, Mukwavira and Sengamukando who were all headman respectively. Sungamukando was succeeded by his son Zumbiko who was the sixth headman. Mufungo alleged to control an area from Zambezi to Shanagani and Nyamusasa lived within his area. Villages in this community included Zharare, Nziradzapatswa, Mavunda, Siyanhembe, Kanda, Muparigwa, Matembeni and Makuya.

Boundary

The boundary between Sayi and Mufungo is the watershed from Zungure to Charama then follow the escarpment eastwards to the headwaters of the Tari and then headwaters of Mutora then northwards and cross the Gwave just below where the Bungwe river enters Gwave. From this point the boundary follows an imaginary line cutting across Runyanhiriri river then Musita river and Pokwe river to Zungwe pan.

Headman Nebumu

The name Nebumu is their traditional name, and the group belongs to the Shava totem. The group claims to belong to Vashangwe or Rozvi tribe and it has been suggested that Vashangwe was adopted. Muguta Nebumu was appointed headman around 1945 by the clan elders and was endorsed by chief Nemangwe.

The family tree of succession starts with Nebumu, the first headman and had a brother called Zingarowa who was not a headman. Nebumu had two sons Chiwamatsemeni who was the second headman and Matorera who was the third headman. After Matorera came Chiwamatsemeni’s son Vhunzawabaya as the fourth headman and had brothers Mateyasango and Mbengeni who was the fifth headman. Zingarowa had a son called Chigupe and Chigupe had a son called Chinyembe who was the father of Maguta, the sixth headman.

History

Other sources allege that Nebumu was a son of chief Chireya though this is vehemently disputed by chief Nemangwe. This group was given the area they occupy by chief Chireya. They came from Guruuswa. When they arrived in the area they found Mufungo already in the area. Villages in this community included Maware, Chigupa, Mashore, Kufa, Mariromba and Nebumu.

Boundary

Gororo river is the boundary between Mubikanyama and Nebumu. Bungwe river is the boundary between Nebumu and Masakadza. It then stretches from the Sanyati pool and Bengwe, it follows a line from Sanyati to just below where Bungwe enters Gwave, this their boundary with Mufungo. The boundary follows Gwave to where Gwave enters Sasame, cross Sasame follows Magaya river to its source in the Nyanyende range northward to the source of Gororo river cutting through Chericheri. Functions of the headman follow the similar pattern.

Headman Nemasakadza

This group belongs to the Shava totem, and they belong to the Rozvi tribe. They live in an area called Masakadza. Pindamo Masakadza was appointed an acting headman by the people and chief Chireya. The basis for appointment was collateral.

History

Masakadza and Nemangwe were brothers and were sons of Chireya. Masakadza’s people are descendants of Chireya and they came from Guruuswa. The boundary between Nemangwe and Masakadza used to be Nyanhiriri river which flows into Sasame river. It was after the death of the first Masakadza when the first Europeans arrived at the area. Masakadza was then placed under Nemangwe.

Villages in this area were Musaba, Makorekangwa, Machena, Jolele, Katuruza, Mhaka, Mufungo, Siyagumbo, Paraneshamba, Dzongani, Gasura, Mateyesanwa, Mashiri, Marongero, Mufemedzwa, Mafumu, Maparadza and Musami.

Boundary

The boundary between Masakadza and Nebumu is Nyanhiriri river. Their boundary converges with Mufungo along a line cutting Musita river across to Pohwe river to Zungwe pan. From Zungwe to Chipani vlei, eastwards to Pokwe again to Mutora pan to the junction of Musita river and Sasame, up Sasame river to where it enters Nyanhiriri river and up Nyanhiriri river to the starting point.

Headman Wunu (possibly Hunu)

Their traditional name is Wunu. The group belongs to Shava totem, and they belong to the Rozvi tribe. Chikwava Wunu was appointed headman in 1957.

Their succession tree starts with Wunu, the first headman and was succeeded by his brother Shiri. Shiri was succeeded by Mukonde and Mukonde was succeeded by Chikwava.

Villages in the area encompassed Siyabulemba, Wunu, Padzakashamba, Nyanguru, Bango, Mazambuko, Nemanhanga, Damanekwa, Ndola, Ringiro, Nhadzawanda, Bamba and Musarurwa.

Boundary

The boundary between Hunu and Masakadza is not clear. He boundary runs from Mutara river to Musita river then joins Sesame River to Chikwati hills. It goes west to Kwakwari river to Sesami river, then in an imaginary line to Chirisa hill and cut Kamhenyu and Pohwe river back to the starting point.

Source: National Archives S2929/7/3

Research conducted by Dr. Joshua Kumbani, an established academic in Archaeology who has lectured at a number of universities in South Africa, Spain, and Germany.

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What does your name mean?

More often, i mix and mingle with people who cannot define their surnames. Most African surnames are derived from our ancestors and normally these were their nicknames/sobriquets that described their behaviour, character, hobbies and lifestyles. It is also common for people to use their clan names or totems as their surnames .

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Maita Gushungo

Maita Gushungo,
VokwaNzungunhokotoko,
Muchero waNegondo,
Maita Tsiwo,

Usavi hwavamwe varume,
Vambwerambwetete,
Kugara pasi kusimuka zvinohwira vhu,
Musati hutukwa,
Mutupo ndowenyu,
Tatenda varidzi venyika,
Vakabva Guruuswa,
Varidzi vamazhanje.
Maita vokwaZvimba,
Vazere muChakona,

Vene vamachiri namakute,
Vano kutizira kunenge kudyara nzungu,
Vakapangura nyika ino
Ichakatsitswa nezamu,
Vomutupo weGushungo,
Vari chipata, Zambezi naMaringohwe,
Aiwa mwana waZvimba,
Zvaitwa vaNgonya.

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History behind the great Zambezi River

The Zambezi is the fourth longest river in Africa, after the Nile, Congo, and Niger Rivers. It is the longest east flowing river in Africa.

The name Zambezi comes from the Tonga phrase “Kasambabezi”, which means “only those who know can swim or take bath”. This was mainly because you were supposed to be careful when taking bath on the banks of the river as it is infested with crocodiles. The name is made up of two words, “kasamba” – meaning “those who bath”, and “bezi” – for “should know”.

It flows through six countries on its journey from its source in north-western Zambia to the Indian Ocean, an amazing 2 700 km. It is actually from this river where Zambia was named. It flows through the greater part of Southern Zambia and Northern Zimbabwe. The river had been the major economic hub for trade for centuries with the Tonga and Shona tribes being the major beneficiaries and “owners” of the great river for years. The descriptive Tonga and Shona names that were used to describe the “gigantic river” was “Donga” and “Gova”, hence the name of the tribes “Ba Donga or Ba Tonga” and “ma Gova”. Gova falls under Korekore which is northern Shona/ Karanga. These two tribes co-existed and lived in harmony for centuries with the Tonga having been the first to occupy the valley and welcomed other tribes who were fleeing from tribal wars from central and southern Zimbabwe. It is also important to note that Mutapa kingdom’s headquarter was based along the Zambezi river and stretched from Zambia, Zimbabwe through to Mozambique .

This river evokes mystery and excitement with few rivers in the world remaining as pristine or as little explored.

The source of the mighty Zambezi River lies at about 1 500 m (4 900ft) above sea level in the Mwinilunga District, very close to the border where Zambia, Angola and the Congo meet.

From there it flows through Zambia, Angola, Namibia and Botswana then back along the border of Zambia and Zimbabwefinally discharging into the Indian Ocean at its delta in Mozambique. The area of its catchment basin is 1 390 000 square km which is half that of the Nile.

The Power of the Zambezi River has been harnessed along its journey at two points, the first being Kariba Dam in Zimbabwe and the second Cahora Bassa Dam in Mozambique. Both these dams are sources of hydroelectric power and supply a large portion of power to Zambia, Zimbabwe and South Africa.

For years there has also been talk and plans of another Hydroelectric Dam to be built in the Batoka gorge just below Victoria Falls, of major concern is that these plans are very much alive again. The river’s beauty has attracted tourists from all over the world and provides great opportunities for game viewing and various water sports. Hippopotamus, crocodiles, elephants and lions are some examples of wildlife you will find along various parts of the Zambezi River.

The amazing river can be better analyzed in three sections:

Upper Zambezi

From the source the river flows to the south-west out of Zambia and into Angola for about 240 km (150miles). When it re-enters Zambia it is approximately 400m (1300ft) wide in the rainy season and is fast flowing at Cholwezi rapids and the Chavuma Falls.

The river runs south now for a distance of about 800 km (500miles) and in this distance only drops about 180m (590ft). It is very slow flowing for most of this section as it enters an area known as the Barotse Floodplain where the width of the river reaches up to 25 km (16miles) in the rainy season.

The upper part of the Zambezi River is only sparsely populated by pastoralists, farmers and fishermen. During the rain season when the plain is in flood a ceremony known as the Ku-omboka Ceremony take place as the local people move to higher ground to escape the flood waters.

One local folk law is that the Zambezi River has a spirit called Nyami Nyami – this spirit brings them water to grow their crops and fish to eat – and so they call the river “the river of life”. The name is believed to come from “Nyama Nyama” for “meat”. This Tonga River God is believed to have been moving from the Indian Ocean and passed through different locations to Victoria Falls area. Nyami Nyami is believed to be a snake-like creature with the structure of a snake but the flesh was like fish. It is said that whenever Nyami Nyami reached a place inhabited by people along the river, it could stop and emerge, showing only the back part of it and people would rush to cut the meat from its body, they were calling each other “Nyama nyama” has come and that’s how the name Nyami Nyami came about. After people got the meat it would immediately disappear and it was believed it would recover immediately and go to the next village.

The river then turns easterly and forms the border between Zambia and Namibia this is at the Katima Mulilo rapids.

Eventually it meets the Chobe River and briefly forms a border with Botswana, before becoming the border between Zimbabwe and Zambia. It is at this point that the four countries; Botswana, Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe meet. The river then flows about another 80 km down towards Victoria Falls.

This section above the falls is where tour operators run lots of exciting actitivities including kayaking, canoe trips, river cruises and daily floats on both the Zimbabwe and Zambian sides. This is a spectacular section of the river with many islands and channels, crystal clear waters and sandy beaches. It teams with birds and wildlife.

The Zimbabwe side is a national park called the Zambezi National Park whilst on the Zambian side there are many small lodges which blend into the banks of the river, plus about 20kms of the river’s shoreline lies within the Mosi-oa-Tunya National Park.

The Middle Zambezi

The Victoria Falls are considered the boundary between the upper and middle Zambezi. For the next 500 km the river serves as the border between Zambia and Zimbabwe. Below the Falls the river continues to flow due east for about 200 km (120miles), cutting through gorges of basalt rock between 200 to 250 metres (660 to 820ft) high. It is in these gorges where the commercial white water rafting now takes place. The Zambezi River is graded as a grade 5 river. This is the highest grade that a river can be graded for white water rafting meaning this is as wet and wild as it gets. The Victoria Falls also serves as a backdrop for many other adventure sports including the famous bunge jump from the Victoria Falls Bridge.

The river drops 250m over the next 200 km before entering Lake Kariba. The Kariba Dam which was completed in 1959 is one of the largest man-made lakes in the world. The hydroelectric power generated at the dam provides electricity for much of Zambia and Zimbabwe.

Lake Kariba is 226 km long and in places up to 40 km wide and supports a thriving commercial fishing industry and is a fantastic tourist attraction.

More on the Lower Zambezi  in the next article…

By Misheck Samanyanga

The rise of the famous Mutapa kingdom

It is interesting to delve into the major contributors of the the birth of one of the most famous kingdoms in Zimbabwe. Mineral wealth, available grazing land, abundant land for crop cultivation, salt deposits and favourable climate proves beyond doubt the birth of Mutapa state. Socially, religion was the binding factor and it supressed elements of coup and disturbances within the Munhumutapa kingdom, spirit mediums played a pivotal role in solving successions disputes. It is imperative to tackle the role played by politics in shaping the existence of Mutapa state. In fact, Nyatsimba Mutota was the founder of such a strong society who used his strong army to conquer and raid weaker states. Through raiding, Nyatsimba managed to bring in economics value to his state. Strong military maintained law and order. Mutapa state growth and development was economically driven. Thus how it’s social and political base was formidable.

Economic decay, stronger social pressures, anarchy and lethargic leadership within the Great Zimbabwe society led the collapse and birth of a stronger Mutapa state. Agriculture both crop cultivation and animal husbandry were the mainstay of Great Zimbabwe society. Boom in agricultural development erected a high population, better living standards, and strong social and political base. It is therefore this economic boom that overturned the fortunes of Great Zimbabwe society. Population growth led to competition over resources such as land, mineral wealth, trade centres and areas for hunting and gathering. These economic pressures weakened the social life of the Great Zimbabwe people. Living standards were eroded, people were dragged into abject poverty and misery. When the economy is not performing the social and political spheres succumbs to the pressure and thus how the marvellous Great Zimbabwe society collapsed. Economic pressure created pressure within the militant group which became porous for succession. Also, the state became weak due to hunger and poverty which gave neighbouring states powers to raid and destroy the Great Zimbabwe state. All this gave way for the Mutapa state’s rise under the stewardship of Nyatsimba Mutota. It is interesting to note that Mutota envied the Dande area which had abundant land for crop cultivation and grasslands for livestock, salt deposits, low population, and access to trade.   

The economic system was responsible in the rise, expansion and growth of Mutapa state. The growing of crops such as millet, sorghum and rapoko was necessitated by the fertile soils. Crop cultivation was done mainly by women and children while man were attached to other equal demanding chores. Existence of division of labour proves beyond doubt that surplus was achieved. Available food manage to feed the growing population within Mutapa state. Animal Husbandry of cattle and small livestock was a practise in the society. Cattle were a symbol of wealth. With the abundant pastures the Mutapa people had large herd of cattle and oral traditions indicate an estimate of 4000 cattle. The Mutapa diet was greatly enriched by eating small amounts of meat and animal fats. They also kept sheep and goat.  In fact, in so far as the Mutapa are concerned cattle fulfilled all the criteria of general purpose in that they were stores of value, standard of value and media of exchange. Cattle formed a form of social security in a society. Pastoralism led to the growth and development of the Mutapa state. Mining of gold, iron, silver, and cooper was done in the society. The abundant minerals brought economic gains through internal and external trade. Thus external trade links with the Portuguese were created. People exchanged goods and services. Hunting and gathering were chores done by everyone one in the society. Women and children were encouraged to join in the hunting activity through the ‘mambure’ system because very much noise was needed to panic the game towards the nets. This approach was adopted by the Shona people at Mutapa as their hunting method. Hunting was an important economic activity that supplied relish. Gathering of wild fruits and insects was an economic practise by the Mutapa people. Gathering of wild fruits was an important economic branch of pre-colonial Shona economies. Gathering was an activity of both children and woman and it was pursued even years of plenty. Mutapa land had abundant wild fruits consisting matamba, nhembetembe, hubva, maroro, nhengeni, nzambara and tsombori that were juicy and nutricious. Raiding as an economic activity strengthens the Mutapa state. Mutota and Matope his son managed to raid and conquer the Tonga, Tavara Kore-kore, Barwe, Guruuswa, Manyika and Uteve people. Women were mainly targeted since they were of economic value. They wanted women for more human production. Children were a source of labour.  They managed to raid grains, cattle and armoury. Thus, raiding other groups lead the growth and development of Mutapa Kingdom.

The social structure of the state was strong and formidable. The people enjoyed better living standards. The people were hunger and poverty free. Religion played an important role within the state. It gave authority to the Munhumutapa king. The king was allied to the religious leaders in the land. The king was also a religious leader and he led national ceremonies. Thus religion suppressed succession disputes and curbing anarchy within the society.  It was the role of spirit mediums and religious leaders to choose kings. Religion bonded the society. Internal marriages also united the people. Marriages were unifiers and symbol of wealth. Man married so that they will have children as sources of labour. Girl child were regarded as wealth as one could calculate his number of cattle with the number of girl child he has. Thus, social base of Mutapa state was the pillar in economic growth and development.

Politically, the army was headed by king as its chief commander of all soldiers. It was believed that, the commander was helped by an appointed commander of the soldiers. He was the second most powerful official in the state and he was called Nengomasha. Mutapa state witnessed change of leadership. These leaders include, Mutota, Matope, Gatsi Rusere, Changamire Dombo,Kapararidze and Mavhuramhande. These leaders uphold the ideologies of the founding father Mutota. These Munhumutapa kings were head of state, chief Judge, distributer of land, custodian of state property, religious leader, signing treaties, punish rebels and protecting the state.  They also followed economic techniques to strengthen the society. Economic prosperity was behind this strong army. In fact able bodied Mutapa people who ate healthily managed to dominate and raid weak states. Raiding manage to award the Mutapa kingdom the name Munhumutapa. This alone proves that Mutapa had a vicious army which was ruthless and that aimed on the expansionist agenda. Tribute payment by the subordinates supressed the ideologies of anarchy and succession. This form of political technique created wealth for the King.  Economic gains bonded the army to be loyal and respectful to the king. The political landscape became the hub of security of everyone in the society. It is therefore that this strong political structure protected the people hence promoting economic and social cohesion with the Mutapa state.

The state collapsed due to economic factors. Sound and viable economic structures created a big state that became unmanageable. Competition over resources such as land dealt the society a blow that it never recovered. Agriculture being the mainstay collapsed thus the death of the Munhumutapa kingdom. Mineral deposits depleted, some mines became death traps and were abandoned. Competition on hunting and gathering resources worsened. Drought was also to be blamed. These economic pressures begun to create social and political problems. These pressures saw the birth of civil wars, succession disputes, migration, in subornation and anarchy with the state. It is therefore prudent to ascertain that, ill managed economic based created social and political errors. External hand was involved in the demise of Mutapa state. The economic, socio-political activities weakened the great Mutapa kingdom. The Portuguese mingled into the economic, social and political branches of Mutapa thereby distorting its progress and performance. By damaging these strong structures, Mutapa state collapsed.   

Leon Chigwanda is an Economic historian and Researcher with Great Zimbabwe University.

The Humba clan

Totems are unifiers and promote oneness and unity among members of the same clan. In this article, we look at Humba (Makombe) totem. Humba is a wild pig which is very strong and determined to always win and this is possibly what prompted the fore-bearers to identify themselves by this animal as it inspired them to work hard. Traditionally, elders used to praise, eulogize or extol a family member who did well using detailed and structured words of compliments and below is how the Humba (Makombe) family members praise each other by their totem:              

Humba Nyanguru, Maita Chiunga, 
Maita Humba, 
Mwana waMakombe, Chomera, 
Maita Nguruve, Mutakurwa, 
Zvaitwa tateguru wangu Makombe, 
Maita waDukudza, ari Jekacheka. 
Maita Chirema, 
Chirimanemuromo, 
Mapadza aripo, 
Asi muchiapa veranda, 
Maita vari Barwe, Gwindingwi guru, 
Vanodzira imba namatope, 
Muno muromo unenge gombe rokucheresa mvura. 
Zvaitwa Nyanguru, 
Makapedza rudzi rwavamwe nenyuchi, 
Maita VaKarota, 
Zvaonekwa Rima, 
Tatenda VaChevakaranga naChibonoyo. 
Zvaitwa waGosa, 
Mwana waZunzangara. 
Maita vari Karomokapuwe. 
Tinotenda vari Matitima. 
Kuna Nyadekese, kuna Zambezi. 
Aiwa zvaitwa mwana waMatope. 
Zvaonekwa Nyanguru. 
Zvaonekwa Humba. 
Nguruve, Chitambanamatope

Words that are inspiring agricultural economic development are, Maita Chirimanemuromo, Mapadza aripo, Asi muchiapa varanda, Gwindingwi guru and Chitambanamatope. It is rare to see a family member loitering around the house as they will be in the field farming there by borrowing the idea of (Chitambanamatope) always in the field form the totem. The able bodied (Chirimanemuromo) people erect large pieces of land thus the growth and development of cash cropping in the area.

Iron smelting and pottery making are part of the economic activities done by the Humba people and the activities should be understood in the context of specialisation. Hoes are a good examples of handcraft produces that were used to till the land (Mapadza aripo).  Also, Livestock production is an important economic activity practised by this clan, including cattle, sheep and goats as part of the domestic animals. 

By Leon Chigwanda

Great Zimbabwe legacy

The famous Great Zimbabwe is a ruined city in the south-eastern hills of Zimbabwe near Lake Mutirikwe, a few kilometers from Masvingo town. It was the capital of the Kingdom of Zimbabwe during the country’s Late Iron Age. Construction on the city is believed to have begun in the 11th century and continued until it was abandoned in the 15th century. The marvellous stone structures were erected by the ancestral Shona. It spans an area of 7.22 square kilometres (1,780 acres) which, at its peak, could have housed up to 18,000 people. It is recognised as a World Heritage site by UNESCO.

This massive stone structure is believed to have served as a royal palace for the local monarch of the Shona people. As such, it would have been used as the seat of political power. Among the edifice’s most prominent features were its walls, some of which were over five metres high. They were constructed without mortar dry stone.

Historically, it is interesting to note that, the earliest known written work mention of the Great Zimbabwe ruins was in 1531 by Vicente Pegado, captain of the Portuguese garrison of Sofala, on the coast of modern-day Mozambique, who recorded it as Symbaoe. The first confirmed visits by Europeans were in the late 19th century, with investigations of the site starting in 1871. Later, studies of the monument were controversial in the archaeological world, with political pressure being put upon archaeologists by the government of Rhodesia to deny its construction by native African people. Great Zimbabwe has since been adopted as a national monument by the Zimbabwean government, and the modern independent state was named after it. The word great distinguishes the site from the many hundreds of small ruins, now known as “zimbabwes”, spread across the Zimbabwe Highveld. It is therefore prudent to note that the Great Zimbabwe ruins were constructed by the shona people.

The reasons for the decline of the Great Zimbabwe ruins were closely similar to the reasons for the abandonment of other stone structures in historical Zimbabwe. Economic reasons dominated the abandonment of the site complex. These include ecological factors: the shift of trade from the Limpopo-Sofala area to the Zambezi-Shrine Lake Tanganyika triangle, drought, and decline in population, shift and competition for trade. Political factors played a limited role in the abandonment of the great ruins by the inhabitants. These include succession disputes, incompetent leadership and political oppression. Therefore, it is prudent to consider economic reasons for the abandonment of the Great Zimbabwe Ruins.

The congregation of about thirty thousand inhabitants in such a small valley must have taxed the immediate environment heavily.  In the course of time, firewood for fuel, timber for hut construction and other resources must have become increasingly difficult to obtain. It is important to note that, the Great Zimbabwe economy was supported by agriculture that is crop cultivation and animal husbandry. Grazing land for the large numbers of cattle owned by the inhabitants must have become gradually short. Great Zimbabwe state was a subsistence economy based on pastoralism and crop cultivation, it is probable that by the middle of the 15th century AD soil fertility and other natural resources in the vicinity of the site complex become depleted. In particular the establishment of several out posts or Madzimbabwe encouraged further exploration and settlement, which showed that the other part of the plateau were equally attractive. Economic historians, reasoned that in view of the deteriorating environmental factors, the rulers and the people became anxious to look for alternative grazing land in the north and east and also to control the gold producing area around the Mazowe valley and trading routes along the Zambezi valley. Thus had the effect of shifting the centre of gravity to these newly discovered areas resulting in the ultimate decline of the once-famous kingdom.

The shift and competition for trade led to the abandonment of the Great Zimbabwe ruins.  Not only was agriculture made difficult because of the environmental degradation, but the lucrative trade would have been threatened by competition from such rivals as the people of Ingombe Ilede who might have become envious of the display of power and prosperity of the Great Zimbabwe people. The competition in trade led to the scarcity of valuable commodities such as salt, gold, ivory and copper resulting in the reduction of the kingdom’s sources of revenues. Exhaustion of gold deposits within Great Zimbabwe ruins economic area weakened the access of the ruling group to the wealthy that was very important to the survival of the kingdom. Beach recorded that, the shift of trade from the Mutirikwe-Save-Limpopo-Sofala area to the Zambezi-Shrine-Lake Tanganyika triangle worsened the situation particularly in view of the greater interest shown by Swahili and later Portuguese traders in the slave trade also known as the black gold. Thus the economic landscape at Great Zimbabwe led, not to the total collapse of the society and the economy but to a new adaptation.

Natural disasters dealt the Great Zimbabwe ruins a blow it never recovered. The decline of the kingdom was probably hastened by the devastating drought, which occurred between the 1429 and 1430, followed by a locust plaque which further destroyed the remaining crops the people had grown.  There were ten consecutive droughts between 1465 and 1493, all blamed on the king. The inadequate food supply clearly demonstrated that the society was ravaged by chronic poverty.  Food was essential in the growth, expansion and development of the Great Zimbabwe society. People were forced into abject poverty and the only solution was migration to fetch areas of greener pastures were food was available. Migration in search of food to feed the growing population subsequently led to the abandonment of the ruins. Furthermore, to the chronic droughts there were cattle disease which destroyed cattle, locusts and epidemic outbreaks of human diseases due to the inappropriate disposal of human waste. Importantly to note is the fact that, livestock was the mainstay of the Great Zimbabwe economy. Cattle were the property of the Great Zimbabwe ruling oligarchy. Cattle were greatly valued as they produced food in form of meat and milk and skins for clothing. The death of livestock in the society contributed or brought devastating economic impact affecting the socio-economic and political landscape in the dynasty. The Great Zimbabwe population was decimated by the in flakes of epidemics and encouraged the abandonment of the site complex. The population was responsible for the running of the day to day economic activities that shaped the socio-political structures of the society. The decline of the population threatened agriculture that integrated crop cultivation and animal husbandry the mainstay of the Great Zimbabwe economy. Thus the small population found it inappropriate to carry the day to day running of the society thereby encouraged the abandonment of the site complex.

Political forces shaped the decline of the Great Zimbabwe ruins. Incompetent leadership and factionalism hit the society and the shifted the centre of gravity from Great Zimbabwe to the Mazowe valley. By the 1480s the pride and glory of Great Zimbabwe had disappeared, hastened by the rebellious and secessions of Torwa and Changa to be replaced by the Mutapa kingdom. In fact during the reign of King Munembiri Mudadi several ethnic groups like the Venda crossed Limpopo in an attempt to distance themselves from Mudadi’s oppressive and autocracy rule. The death of Munembiri Mudadi saw the Great Zimbabwe state plunged into a succession dispute which was difficult to handle and resolve. The society was affected by the sprawling nature of the kingdom and by the beginning of the 15th century AD and in absence of good means of communication and able leadership, the power of the central authority had become too thinly spread to prevent the decline of the kingdom. Thus a political perspective explains well how the Great Zimbabwe state disintegrated and the final abandonment of the site complex.

Leon Chigwanda is an Economic Historian and Researcher with Great Zimbabwe University.


Nyanga’s Ziwa ruins

This week we look at the Ziwa Ruins in Nyanga’s chief Saunyama area in Manicaland province. Ziwa Ruins lie on the Ziwa farm formerly called the Van Niekerk Ruins which was previously owned by Fredrick Bernard and his family. Fortunately Fredrick and his family developed an avid interest in the pre-history of the area and in particular the remains of the ancient settlement on their farm. In May 1946 Fredrick generously donated 3337 hectares of land which included the Nyahokwe Ruins and Ziwa Ruins and many surrounding agricultural terraces to the National Museum and Monuments of Rhodesia.

The inhabitants of the Ziwa Ruin area are believed to have pursued a sound economy which was vibrant, self-sustaining and efficient based on agriculture. Agricultural production was largely based on mixed farming involving both crop production and animal husbandry.  Crop cultivation mainly involved growing of millet, sorghum and rapoko.  Animal husbandry concentrated on the rearing of a rare breed of small cattle, sheep, goats and other small livestock were also reared and must have roamed the pasturelands, valleys and the plains of the Ziwa. Ziwa people were also involved in hand craft manufacturing and remains of such artefacts are abundant from archaeological excavations. Iron smelting; pottery making, weaving, hunting, gathering and fishing among others were other the sectors of economic organization and development at Ziwa.

The Nyanga complex was shaped by the high rainfalls, geology, topography, climate, vegetation and the good soils. These factors prove beyond doubt that the growth and development of the Ziwa ruins complex rested on a favourable climatic environment. Agriculture was thus the backbone of the economy of the Saunyama people and this was supplemented by hunting and gathering, manufacturing, fishing and trading. Ziwa people were prosperous and self-reliant subsistent farmers as well as manufacturers and traders. Thus, the whole complex of the Ziwa ruins represents an agricultural society of industrious farmers and stock raisers whose culture developed about 1500 AD to sometimes in the late 18th century

It is intriguing  to identify WHO built the terraces and WHEN the ruins were constructed and WHY such enormous labour was expended on terracing the stony slopes and escarpments when there was plenty of land on the plateaux and in the lowlands which could be far more easily exploited by the inhabitants during the period of 1500- 1800AD. Terraces were defensive forts and were constructed around the 900 AD -1100AD. Radio carbon dating postulated the AD1200-AD1300.  Thus the paper will adopt radio carbon dating as the correct dates for occupation by the Saunyama dynasty at the Ziwa ruins.  

Oral traditions and archaeological evidence exposed that there are no indications of any major migrations or population replacement, so we must attribute the complex to relatively recent ancestors, even though little direct memory of the archaeological remains seems to be preserved. The core area of the complex north of Nyanga town falls within the territory of the Unyama people under Chief Saunyama. There appears to have been little basic change in the distribution of these political units for several centuries and the genealogies of their ruling dynasties extend at least well back into the 18th century in the case of the Saunyama and considerably further for others”.

Fertile environment and position of the slopes prompted the reasons for terrace construction.  However, some scholars speculated that, the Saunyama people were forced into an unfavourable environment of a defensive reaction to stronger antagonistic neighbours. This line of argument might be understandable for the highlands and the escarpments but it hardly applies to the low hills in the plains, which in no sense could provide a secure refugee. Hence it is quite plausible convincing that the Unyama people knew the technique of conservation the environment so they opted terracing to so as to arrest erosion. 

Terraces were also a means of maintaining water percolation hence promoting agricultural prosperity. This hypothesis supports the reasons why Saunyama people spent their enormous labour and energies on exploiting the stony environment.

The socio-political developments at Ziwa site complex was shaped by the growth, expansion and development of sound and efficient economic activities. Mainly the socio-political structures were governed and determined by the use of pottery by Saunyama people. Important to note is the population distribution at the site complex in a way to deduce the socio-political organisation of the Saunyama people. The Saunyama society constituted about 5000 Saunyama in the late 19th century.[1] The point depicts a picture testifying that the community was relatively small. Thus the small population density was responsible for executing duties oriented towards development and expansion. Oral source exposed it that, social stratification existed at Ziwa ruins. Evidence of burial practise at Ziwa site complex testified that the Ziwa people buried their deceased counterparts. Excavations at the ruins exposed that the dead were buried within the homesteads which was then abandoned. Thus, the people were civilised as they knew the concept of burring the dead. Pottery making played central role in the socio-political life of the Saunyama people. The type and style of pottery excavated at the Ziwa ruins helped to explain who the inhabitants of the Ziwa ruins were. Pottery making ensured practise of rain making ceremony and the installation of Saunyama chiefs. Pottery making ensured rainfall.  Rains were needed annually for the people and their livestock to survive as they largely depended on agricultural produces, willingly or unwillingly proper-rainmaking ceremonies characterised by use of traditional rain making utensils that include pottery have to be carried out each and every year as a survival strategy otherwise failure to do so results in drought. This mean that, rainfall was adequate in the region to sustain the livelihood of the Unyama since their society was agricultural based. Politically, the installation of the Saunyama chiefs was governed by the use of ritualistic vessels. Basically the vessel ‘hari youbaba’ amongst all vessels produced in the society was regarded as the most significant and thus shaping the politics of the Saunyama people. Therefore, the Saunyama culture and politics were governed by the use of pottery by the indigenous people.

In fact, the society of the Saunyama flourished and survived in a modest way over a period of 600 years by successive adaptions to varied environment. Interestingly to note is the drought factor that affected both structures although in different years and context emanating from different angles resulting in the decline of both complexes. The decrease in annual rainfall greatly affected the Nyanga agricultural economy that integrated crop cultivation and animal husbandry and other viable and lucrative economic activities that in the long run determines the smooth flow of the socio-political landscape. The struggle to and factionalism destroyed the Saunyama community resulting in the murder of chief Muozi. Also secessionist tendencies rocked the Unyama people complex which had the negative impact of draining the human resources that were the potential builders of economic growth. External factors also played a role in bringing the Ziwa ruins complex in a wage of turmoil and total collapse by the end of the 18th century.

By Leon Chigwanda- Leon is a Researcher at Great Zimbabwe University.


Chief Mangwende (Nhowe people) history

Mangwende dynasty was started by the patriarchy of the Nhowe people, Sakubvunza in 1606 who established the Shona tradition state of Nhowe. Mukarakate is a place in the northern eastern Murewa district of Zimbabwe. It is situated in Mashonaland East province and is almost entirely inhabited by Shona-speaking people of the Zezuru dialect. The traditional leaders/rulers of the area are the Nhowe people whose chieftainship is called Mangwende. Many of the Nhowe people use Mukarakate as a surname because it is the name of the great – great ancestor of the tribe. Their totem is ” Moyo Muzukuru” which uses the bull as its symbolic animal, the heart is sacred not the whole body. In 2013 the then chief Jonathan Tafirenyika Chibanda passed on in South Africa. He was the President of the Chiefs Council. He was the son of Chataika Chibanda Mangwende. He became chief Mangwende in 1926 and died in 1936. He only ruled for 10 years.

Their chieftainship employs a system of collateral succession which alternates between houses of the dynasty. Mhotani (Bokoto)and Chitopi (Hundungu) houses ruled between (1833-1878). Hundungu is the first person to assume the ruling title Mangwende with proper infrastructure from the Rozvi. There was no common name in the reference to the chieftainship and previous chiefs used family names in respect to the clan , Nhowe.

Chieftainships and dates

Sakubvunza 1606- 1631

Gatsi  1633-1656

Mushawatu 1657-1681

Dembetembe 1681-1706

Mhonyera 1707-1731

Hwita 1732-1756

Zemura 1757-1781

Rota 1783-1831

Mhotani 1833-1857

Hundungu 1859-1878

Katerere 1878-1879

Mungate 1880-1924

Chibanda 1926-1936

Munhuwepayi 1937-1960

Enock 1960-1968

Chibanda 1969-2013

Mhotani (Bokoto) and Hundungu ( Chitopi) are the highest ranking names in the modern day history of Nhowe politics and they represent both chieftainships. In the case of Mungate 1 (Mushawatu) and Gatsi 1(Bukuto) houses are purely for administrative purposes and lineages lived in close proximity for over 3 centuries at Mahopo Chitopi Nyakambiri river near Marondera.

The Mangwende clan dominated the geographical area between Makoni and Mutoko in Mashonaland east in Zimbabwe and existed in the political format of traditional states. Mangwende had a fighting force that fought rival clans and was often called to defend allies in battle. Within their territory the Mangwende chieftainship had several  chiefs of surrounding clans under their protectorate who would pledge allegiance to chief Mangwende in return for military support if attacked by other rival chiefs.

Mangwende administered over welfare , security and all order of small chieftainships clans and presided in ceremonial duties.

The house of Hundungu who was chief from 1859-1878 and was the first to assume the title of chief Mangwende with proper Rozvi structure. Prior to this period all chiefs (mambo) were called or known by their family names. It was at this time that there was a bit of animosity between the two chieftainship lineages as it was alleged that the other lineage had attacked the other with a flock of bees from a charm (Gona).

Katerere father to Chirodza and Chibanda ruled for one year and died 1878-79 and was replaced by Mungate son of Hundungu who ruled from 1880-1924. He was the chief by that time when the white settlers arrived in Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia. Most of the late Mangwende chiefs are buried at the Mangwende shrine in Mahopo Masekwa. The Bukuto house decided to bury their chiefs at Bokoto in Mukaravate. Only 3 chiefs were not buried at Mangwende shrine, Musekwa Mahopo being Katerere, Enoch and Chibanda 11.

White colonialists arrived around the period 1890 and disguised as hunters and missionaries and settled in the territory controlled by chief Mungate Mangwende. In about 1896, chief Mangwende fought white settlers who tried to impose on his territory in the famous battle known as the 1896 Rebellion. It led to his forces to defend chief Makoni who had also been involved in the resisting of white settlement rule.

Chief Mangate’s oldest son Muchemwa was given orders by his father to fight the colonialists white settlers in the 1896 with the uprising in conjunction with Mbuya Nehanda and Kaguvi. Mungate made peace with the white settlers in 1896 his son Muchemwa and other members of Nhowe  continued to wedge a guerilla type of war. This continued upto 1903 and ended in the fierce battle in Bokoto hills which lasted several weeks.

Muchemwa brokered a deal with the white settlers that he could only lay down his arms together with his lieutenants on condition that he did not face prosecution.They agreed on one condition that he resided next to Murewa District Headquarters where he will be monitored. After the rebellion the white settlers took over the fertile land in Mahopo Musekwa and chief Mungate was moved to a place called Rota; Chamachinda. The village around Murehwa district centre is known as the Mangwende village at the time of Muchemwa’s death in 1909 (murdered his father while still on throne) but he left three sons Mbumbira, Munhuwepayi and Maiziveyi.

Munhuwepayi became a chief of Mangwende village and the entire Murehwa area from 1937- 1960.

He was disposed from chieftainship for continually disagreeing and criticising white settlers administration decisions which deemed to be gross insubordination. Another contributing reason ; he participated in politics 1950-50s up to independence 1980. Once dethroned he was sent to detention at Gonakudzingwa restriction camp (where they banish and sleep) in the Southern Rhodesia near Mozambique border. He was not permitted to enter the near Salisbury (25 km radius) or visiting his relatives and children. He died in 1988 and buried at Mangwende shrine. It was his brother’s sons who performed the rights for the chief Munhuwepayi to be buried at the shrine.

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Gwai/Chuma totem history and Eulogy

The Gora, gwai/mukuruvambwa was the popular gwai dynasty. Devera is one of the Gwai dynasties though little known when compared to Gora. There were also links between Gora and a group  that accompanied Nyamhunga, a dynasty that reached Zambezi-Sanyati confluence area, who were displaced in 1957 and relocated to Hurungwe (partly Kariba). However, the Nyamhunga people’s gwai chidawo is commonly referred to as Zambu. We do not know if this Zambu is associated with Zambu, one of Derere, chief of vaShawasha people, who led them from Mahungwi to Wedza, these were expert iron smiths who made knives, spears, axes etc, but Nyamhunga people are most likely an offshoot/descendents of the Gora dynasty. This makes the writer somehow think that Devera mentioned above may actually be Derere. However Derere’s totem was Soko and possibly the splinter group could have changed their totem to Gwai.

Both Devera and Gora had come from the territory between the Mubvinzi and Nyaguwe where a ruler named Kanyoka had a daughter who married the ancestor of the Chikwaka mbano/matemayi dynasty. Conflict between the mbano and gwai groups, with Rozvi involvement, led to the former dynasty coming to rule the disputed area, while Kanyoka’s grandson moved to Chivero’s country. There he was given land in the Matanha area, east of Nyundo tributary, and founded the Gora dynasty. This would have been before 1800.

Gora was a nickname given to one of their ancestors, Mavudzi, by the Varozvi. While entertaining the Rozvi he composed a lyric which likened himself unto a vulture (Gora) which does not settle until he spies a prey. The Rozvi understood his request and agreed to give him an area in which to settle. This area lay between Muvande and Nyundo rivers.

Mavudzi was the first to hold the name Gora , he was succeeded by his son Muwunduri, who in turn was succeeded by his three brothers Chawasarira,Wanokorerwa and Marigumura. Next to succeed was Zinu the son of Rerezo, son of Wanokorerwa. Zinu was succeeded by his full brother Dzvairo. Next was Chirimuta, son of Benura, son of Masango – father not known. Next to succeed was Munako, son of Mafuridze, son of Munyongani, son of Masundasora, son of Marigumira. Next was Chigamba, son of Zinu , followed by Mhike also a son of Zinu.

The order of ruling were as follows: Mavudzi(Gora)–>>Muwunduri–>>Chawasarira–>>Marigumure–>>Zino–>>Dzvairo–>>Chirimuta–>>Munako–>>Chigamba–>>Mhike–>>Zinyama

Gora claimed to have granted Nherera settling rights in his area east of Nyundo. When tribal leaders were called to Salisbury, Nherera through some guile managed to procure the Chieftainship of the Matanha area. Since then Gora became subservient to Nherera. This resulted in constant bickering and misunderstandings between Gora and Nherera. Eventually Gora set up his own court in defiance of Nherera. It is claimed that Nherera usurped Gora’s rights when the latter fled in fear from the guns and foreworks at Edward V11’s coronation celebrations in Salisbury. Thus it was claimed that the Rozvi gave Gora land and he in turn allowed Nherera to settle.

The more prosaic truth is that in the late 1890s, the NC Hartley found several different groups in Matanha and put Nherera over them for convenience sake. In 1953, Gora was recognized a headman and it was decided to place him under Mashayamombe. This group is still agitating for an independent chieftainship, but the size of the tribe doesn’t warrant more than a headmanship. Some villages under Gora included; Zinyama, Chimbito, Dzapata, Fere, Gora, Kabanda, Kwaramba, Manyere, Mubaiwa, Mudzingwa, Musarurwa, Muzanenamo, Ngoroma, Tafira, Tsuro, Karanda, Katsambe and Tazvivinga.

Gora claimed all the land east of Nyundo, however, this seems rather extravagant, as both Mashayamombe and Nherera had large concentration of followers east of the Nyundo, to the north and south of him. Gora’s influence ends on an unknown stream between Karanda kraal and Matebe kraal. To the north his influence reaches as far as Tsuro, Mubaiwa and Dzapata kraals. To the east they are bound were European farms. To the west the boundary was the Nyundo river.

Kraals affected by the boundary are Karanda and Katsambe. Katsambe claimed to have settled in his present area well before both Gora and Nherera. Gora was the first followed by Nherera. Ever since the rebellion his people have been under chief Nherera. Katsande’s kraal split from him and they are related by marriage. These 2 kraals were reluctant to speak out and whom they preferred allegiance to. However, they had no strong ties with either and did not seem to mind who their leader was.

Some of the current Gwai chiefs include; Nyakuchena in Mudzi, Nyamhunga in Hurungwe/Kariba, Matanha in Mhondoro, Chizungu in Mberengwa and Murove in Mwenezi.

Totem Praise

The sheep totem (gwai, hwai, imbelele) is commonly called chuma or machuma referring to women beads. The clan is normally composed of quiet people from both sexes. The females are smart intellectuals, beautiful and heavily built. The males are tall, slender and average competitors. They do not eat mutton like any other clans who do not eat the flesh of their totem. They normally use chuma, mukuruwambwa or zambu as their chidawo.They praise themselves as follows:

Maita Gwai, Maita mukuruwambwa, Maita zambu, Vane chuma chisingaverengwi Vakatorerwa umambo naMabvakure, Maita hwai yangu iyi, Ikachema kunofa dangwe, Ukaidya unopera mazino, Maita vana vaMbarure, Maita vana vaChigondo, Vanemumba makazvarwa murungu, Zvaitwa mhuri yaNyamhunga, Zvaitwa mhuri yaGora, Maita zvenyu vari Goromonzi, Vari Mharamasimbe, Kuziva zvenyu vari Manyewe, Vari Baramhanya, Tatenda vari Mburwi, Zvaitwa, Zvaitwa Gono, Zvaitwa Gumbi, Zvaitwa Gwai, Maita vari Mhondoro, Maita Sembe, Chuma-Chitunge, Tinotenda vari kwaMashayamombe, Tinotenda Chinhove changu chichi, Zvaonekwa vari Doworo, Maita mwana waGora, Zvaonekwa Gwai rangu iri, Zvaonekwa Mukuruwambwa. Zvaonekwa Mushambadzi. Zvaonekwa Kota. Zvaonekwa Muzanarwo Zvaonekwa chibaba chavose MHIRIZHONGA.

By Misheck Samanyanga

Sources: Largely from D.N. Beach & National Archives